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Yasuo Muramatsu as Inspector ep 2. Yoshiko Sakakibara as Laura ep 2. Youko Matsuoka as Thomas eps 2, 22 Verna. Yuji Machi as Reporter ep Yukimasa Kishino as Driver ep 40 Teacher A ep Yuko Sasaki as Female teacher ep Yuri Amano as Nastassja Ivanovna eps Yuri Shiratori as Maria.
Kazuhiko Kishino ep Keisuke Yamashita ep 5. Rinko Kanzaki ep Tomoko Naka ep Animation Production : Nippon Animation. Backgrounds : Atelier Roku 23 episodes eps 1, , , odd. Production 17 episodes eps , , 10, 13, , 19, 22, 26, 28, 31, 33, 36, Theme Song Performance : Claude Lombard. Sylvie Jacob as Maria Kutschera. Claude Chantal as La Baronne. Paul Bisciglia as Franz Hanz.
Screen Inserts : Carlos Revilla Spain dub. Pilar Santigosa as Maria Spain dub. Amparo Valencia as Clarine Spain dub. Andrea Cotto as Baronesa Matilda. Irma Carmona as Hedvig Trapp. Isabel Fernandez Avanthay as Mimi Spain dub. Javier Franquelo as Hans el jardinero Spain dub.
Lola Cervantes as Rosie Spain dub. Luis Alfonso Mendoza as Rupert Trapp. Patricia Acevedo as Maria Trapp. Pedro Sempson as Franz Spain dub. Dubbing Studio : Abaira Spain dub. Dubbing Director : Donatella Fanfani. Dominique Evoli as Martina. Roberta Gallina Laurenti as Maria. Alessandra Karpoff as Edvige Suor Raffaela. Annamaria Mantovani as Governante. Caterina Rochira as Sig. Claudio Moneta as Postino.
Evoli as Martina. Dania Cericola as Natasha. Daniela Trapelli as Suor Laura. Davide Garbolino as Rupert. Debora Magnaghi as Klarine. Donatella Fanfani as Thomas. Elisabetta Cesone as Rosi. Elisabetta Spinelli as Agata. Gabriele Calindri as Anton. Grazia Migneco as Suor Dolores. Lara Parmiani as Giovanna. Marina Massironi as Maria Von Trapp. Orlando Mezzabotta as Barone Von Trapp. Patrizia Scianca as Matilde Yvonne.
Stefano Albertini as Franz. Tullia Piredda as Contessa Greenwalt. Veronica Pivetti as Werner. Broadcaster : Canale 5 Hiro from december Italia 1. Detlev Eckstein as Baron von Trapp. Dieter Witting as Hans. Dominik Kaschke as Rupert. Eva Spreitzhofer as Johanna. Fritz Von Friedl as Pater Wasner.
Gunther Gillian as Werner. Susanne Altschul as Baroness Mathilda Mimi. Tania Golden as Maria Trapp. Assistant Director : Amal Houaija. Engineering Supervision : Amer Shawkah. Production manager : Mahir Al-Hajj Weiss. Fatima Saad as Safaa. Ali Al-Qassem as Nabil Narrator. Anjy Al-Youssef as Ezdehar Reem.
Bouthaina Maamary as Rahaf Rawaa. Marwan Farhat as Rabee. Mayada Darwish as Fathia Raif. Mowaffak Al-Ahmad as Khaldun. Mazen Al-Natour as Denis Wagner ep Distributor : Animation International. Rowena Benavidez as Maria Agusta Kutschera redubbed. Gloria De Guzman as Baronesa Matilda. Vilma Borromeo as Helvig von Trapp. Broadcaster : Polonia 1 Polsat 2.
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Compare Credits Compare this anime with others. Tonogaya drew the illustration below to celebrate the news. The "workplace fantasy romantic comedy Kae Hashimoto is writing the m The new cast members include Yuri Tsunematsu left in image above as the high school student Heiya, Tomohisa Y The film was originally slated to premiere this year. The site also revealed a new visual and the film's staff. Hikaru in the Light!
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It seems that the fairest gifts have been bestowed on the city from its beginning, by both gods and men. In Aristides himself, compare Or. Compare especially what Aristides has to say about the legitimacy of prose as a medium for hymns in the preface to the hymn Regarding Sarapis Or. They had to prove their parents and grandparents were citizens. According to some sources Machaon was one of the contingent concealed in the Wooden Horse Virgil, Aen. So, Odysseus and Diomedes brought the still sick Philoctetes from Lemnos to the Greek camp before Troy, where he was healed by Machaon and Podalirius or just Podalirius, because Machaon had already been killed: see notes 19 and 37 , and his actions helped to vanquish the Trojans.
They were named after their king Merops who ac- cording to some variants of the myth seems to have sprung directly from the earth like Cecrops in Attica , but according to another was a son of one Triopas and the Coans were named Meropes after him Steph. The clash of the Coan Meropes with Heracles is mentioned in Pind. Lloyd-Jones, Sup- plementum Supplementi Hellenistici. Other accounts of the story are found in Homer Il.
The story goes like this: Heracles, returning from his sacking of Troy, was forced by a storm sent by Hera to land on Cos, but its ruler Eurypylus tried to prevent him from coming ashore this may be the crime Aristides alludes to. For this, Heracles slew Eurypylus and his sons. Russell et al. Aris- tides has apparently read of the Carian Kyrnos in connection with Podalirius and confused it with the much more important island of Corsica, also called Kyrnos in Greek U.
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Isyllos von Epidauros. Philologische Un- tersuchungen 9 [Berlin ] 50 n. Kratz eds. Koster, Scho- lia in Aristophanem, 1. IX [Paris ] — They found refuge in Athens and, after Eurystheus had been killed, returned to the Peloponnese, their ancestral domain.
In Pindar, Ol. Amphilochus son of Amphiaraus was supposedly the founder of Amphilochian Argos on the Ambraciot gulf, on the western fringes of Aetolia, but is not otherwise attested as having had an oracle in that region; he had a famous one at Mallus in Cilicia e. Both the heightened language and the turn to direct ad- dress of the divinities at the end of the speech echo the procedures of verse hymns. Cornutus, Theol. In Hippocr. For some thoughts on what makes a good symposiarch, see Plutarch, Quaest.
See Melfi in this volume, p. Pindar, Nemeans 8. Comparisons of this sort could draw on a rich set of generalisations about love and the characteristic behaviour of lovers in earlier writing, from archaic lyric via Plato Symposium, Phaedrus to the novel.
The question of whether a beautiful sight inspires or inhibits speech is taken up — in a more mischievously playful way — by Lucian in De domo 1—4, 18— Aristides uses the same allusion in Or. Its most famous appearance in this role in classical literature is in the locus amoenus in Plato, Phaedrus b—c, which Aristides may well mean to evoke here.
This was the rocky outcrop of higher ground were the earliest and holiest buildings of the sanctuary were founded. The water of this well is thus being praised as very nearly transcending its proper category and rising to the next one above. As for the bees, Aristides might have Hom. That such springs were reserved for this use is not otherwise recorded, but they seem often to have been inaccessible to ordinary visitors Paus.
See above n. The river Choaspes today Karkheh is a tribu- tary of the Tigris in Mesopotamia and allegedly had such extraordinary water that it was reserved for the Persian Great King see Herodotus 1. Wilson, Aelian. The general sense of the missing words is not in doubt. Melfi in this volume, p. The imagery is also found in Plato, Politicus e. Supplement, e. Contemporary evidence for the existence of a Hellenistic cult statue of Hygieia comes from an over-life-size head found in the sanctuary De Luca From the 2nd century BC onwards inscriptions on stone preserve votive dedications to Asclepius and Hygieia by private individuals.
Text and translations 36 Atlanta and H. In mythology, it was for bringing the dead back to life, or seeking to, that Asclepius was punished by Zeus: Diodorus 4. A hair-raising catalogue of his ailments is assembled by Behr , — Here however he shies away from giving any distressing particulars, and the reminder of his own mortality they would constitute, under cover of a more generalized reference.
According to Pausanias Hieroi Logoi 1. The sense of the missing words is clear: following in the tracks of Reiske and Keil, supplement, e. In the Hieroi Logoi, however, the most complimentary things of all tend to be said to and about Aristides in his dreams rather than in waking reality. In a letter addressed to the two following the Smyrna earthquake of AD, which survives as Or. Perhaps, as so often with Aristides, it was delivered in a dream; alternatively, it may have lain in some en- couraging feature of the circumstances leading up to the encounter with the Em- peror.
University of Cincinnati classical studies 9 Leiden 22— Ohle- mutz , — His obligation to the gods might be seen as the reverse side of his claim that his own eminence as an orator was divinely-inspired, that he practised a kind of sacred oratory e. Trapp in this volume, p. See the most useful recent study of Goeken , 26—31, 35—39; in brief Trapp in this volume, p.
Since the gift that Aristides brought to the god was an oratorical performance, not just words on a papyrus, an audience was in fact required for all the speeches. But they did not have a set place within a festival programme, and were not necessarily performed at a festival at all.
He has a double audience, one human, one di- vine. Libanius 5. Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion. HdAW V. The author invites the god- dess to come to hear her own praises just as earlier she came to heal his eyes. The speech was perhaps written for a competition or display. Grandjean, — ; cf. It also appears in Totti , no.
On him and Menander see A. Toulze-Morisset ed. On the history of the prose hymn see Goeken , 82—86; on the passages of Quintilian and Alexander, Trapp in this volume, p. Presumably this means that we feel gratitude to the other gods because we are taught to do so, to the Asclepiads because of immediate experience of their healing presence.
Seaford eds. This little sequence is characteristic in several ways. In the main, Aristides builds his arguments and weaves his ingenious variations on commonplace myths and stories recounted in much-read au- thors — Homer and Hesiod, Pindar, the tragedians, Herodotus.
In his Artemis, Libanius will still do the same two centuries later. The epithets that are mentioned are mostly common- place: Poliouchos, Nike, Ergane; a little less widespread are Hygieia and Pronoia Aristides will have exploited it, with a characteristic generalizing vagueness, as a bridge leading to his solemn conclusion.
The em- phasis lies more on timeless mythological tradition normally just alluded to, not as in earlier hymns fully narrated than on facts of cult. There is almost nothing to be learnt from Aristides about the ritual practice of his day; even about the topography of his beloved Asclepieum of Pergamum he is extraordinarily imprecise, indeed misleading. At Gadeira, as we hear, he performs extraordinary miracles and is reckoned inferior to none of all the gods, and in Messene in Sicily he rescues from disease of every kind, while those who have escaped perils at sea credit the good deed to Poseidon and Heracles equally.
The range of places at which a god is worshipped is sometimes adduced as proof of his power so espe- cially The exceptions, where phenomena are precisely located, usually arise from the circumstances of performance of a particular speech. These are round stones of no small weight. Noise from them is heard, and he carries them from one place and puts them down in another. In the speech for Sarapis, Aris- tides mentions the banquets shared between the god and his worshippers that were a feature not of a particular cult but of the worship of Sarapis more generally; here the cult practice is brought in because it illustrates the especial closeness of this god to man Histoire, Sciences Sociales Smyrna In Sometimes, following a long-established practice,21 he uses a formula that draws him back from full commitment to what he records.
But just as often he repeats what we would regard as mythical traditions without any distancing de- vice: the snakes that attacked the baby Heracles or the trial of Orestes, to take two instances at random from many He fol- lows earlier moralists in rejecting stories of violence among the gods, but feels no need to reject stories of sexual contact between gods and mortals e.
Erskine eds. Identities and Transformations Edinburgh [—] — Goeken , — We have already noted the censorship, in the wake of Xenophanes and Plato, of stories of divine vi- olence; again, though he is happy to allude to the stories of the snakes sent against baby Heracles and of the thigh-birth of Dionysus, he omits the malice of Hera against the by-blows of her philandering husband that traditionally motivated those incidents His gods are at peace with one another, and philanthropic towards men.
Alongside partial censorship and clean- ing up of the mythological tradition there are discrete touches of allegory. Another familiar allegory makes a brief appearance in But this occasional use of allegory does not lead to a more general demythologiza- tion: as we have seen, Aristides mentions but does not embrace a physical allegorical interpretation of Poseidon as water Divine friendliness to man is already taken for granted by the rhetorician Alexander p.
The cult of Palaemon associated with the Isthmian games had acquired or re-acquired considerable prominence by the time Aristides delivered the Isthmian Oration: Regarding Poseidon. But perhaps it is not my job to issue rebukes on such subjects But if she was dear to the gods, she could never have suf- fered misfortune. And if she was not such [dear to the gods] from the start, she could not have become so subsequently.
For the earlier cult see E. Licinius Priscus Iuventianus. Aristotle, Rh. II b6—8; but Plutarch see DK ad loc. Niemeier eds. Alroth eds. Heroicus How these ritual practices were to be reconciled with his new account of the history of Leucothea and Palaemon Aristides does not say. Myths relating to Asclepius and to Pergamum also required careful han- dling. Coins of Corinth from the time of Marcus Aurelius that show a temple sometimes with a bull beside it and the entrance to a passage below the podium are taken to refer to the Palaemonium: see J.
Aristotle, fr. Still preserved on the south wall is a heavy layer of plaster with a prepared surface of the type used for murals. All pigment has of course long disap- peared but it seems very likely that the plaster carried paintings of some sort. Perhaps the terrifying pictures that Aristides objected to lie behind some of the images on Corinthian coins, e. The amiable but unreliable ruler over a squabbling family of gods has been transformed into the Stoic supreme deity, eternal, limitless, all-powerful, perfectly benevolent to mankind.
One may note in passing that many of the cities of Asia Minor among which Aristides wandered claimed the birth of Zeus to have occurred on their own soil; but the tradition which Aristides selects, if only to reject it, is the mainline Hesiodic one which located the event in Crete. Sedley, Creationism and its Critics in Antiquity [Berkeley ] 99, , — , though it also plays on an equivocation between Chronos and Kronos.
But in relation to creation usually seen as the work of a power beyond naming, as in Max. Other changes derive from the changed religious environment in which Aristides lived. Very obviously, the speeches for Sarapis, Asclepius and the Asclepiads honour gods who did not exist, not at least as gods, in the Homeric age.
But in doing so we must remember that we possess only a selection of the prose hymns that he wrote, to say nothing of those in verse. Hub- bard, A Commentary on Horace. Faraone eds. Flourishing contemporary world: see Jaccottet Dionysus and Poseidon receive similar if shorter pas- sages associating them with other gods. In the last example, in particu- lar, the immediate rhetorical need has overcome theological propriety: on his best behavior Aristides would allow no god to begrudge anything to mankind, least of all Zeus.
There is no point in seeking complete consis- tency in these occasional speeches delivered before varying audiences: the point of praise is to praise, with only some holds barred. How far does such praise go? For the time being, all that can be said of a divine being is ascribed to him. The poet, while addressing him, seems hardly to know of any other gods. Rhetoric on this account turns out as admirably suited to serve henotheistic needs and assumptions.
Traditional Greek praise of a god seldom goes quite to the point of suggesting that the god, unless it be Zeus, is all powerful. A Life Devoted to the Humanities. Studies in the History of Religions. Numen Book Series 94 Leiden , takes it, but is distinguished from it.
And these are limiting cases which stand out within surviving literature for their boldness. He often, it is true, uses vocabulary which points in that direction and may indeed derive thence Athena alone of all gods and goddesses is homonymous with victory There are, it is true, brief moments where the foundations of conven- tional polytheism are shaken. But on the relation of Zeus to Sarapis, nothing more is said.
The most extended and interesting passage comes in the Address to Asclepius. Each of these Zeus pluses, it may be noted, would have been familiar to his audience. Aristides will not have shocked or surprised anyone by mentioning them. Another such moment comes when Aristides declares that the water of the Asclepieum well is supreme among waters just as its patron is supreme among gods But the speech for Sarapis contains more than a henotheistic moment: it is a henotheistic whole.
If one compares it with the speeches for the tra- ditional Greek gods, one discovers the sense in which these latter are not quite henotheistic. But in the Sarapis other gods are mentioned only by way of casual allusion or in depreciation. Alone among gods, therefore, he is dear to all classes and conditions of men He alone is ready to accomplish whatever anyone may need.
Virtually here alone in the whole speech is it recognized that other gods exist and receive honour, and even here they serve only as a foil to the broader powers of Sarapis. There is no such stress on the uniqueness and universality of the hon- oured god in any of the other hymns.
Stobaeus 1. In the same way enthusiasts for Isis as reported by Diodorus 1. Trapp, Maximus of Tyre. The Philosophical Orations Oxford xlvii-li. Historically what is interesting is the diversity of perspectives, often un- reconciled, that the most successful orator of his day could advance. Stroumsa eds. What is clear from the experiences recounted in his writings is that this stay cre- ated an extraordinary bond between literary product and archaeological site.
The Asclepieum visited by Aristides was the result of the 2nd -century AD large-scale reconstruction of the Hellenistic sacred precinct, probably initiated by Hadrian. The Early Foundation The sanctuary of Asclepius is located outside of Pergamum, along a main road that led to the city from the southwest. It was supposedly a certain Archias, son of Aris- taechmus, who, after having been injured while hunting on the Pindasos and eventually healed by the Epidaurian Asclepius, founded the cult at Pergamum as a sign of gratitude to the Peloponnesian god.
Probably under the patronage of Eumenes I, whose name may be pre- served in one of the very few inscriptions from the site,14 the sanctuary area was remodelled and re-oriented, following a strict north-south and east-west alignment. At least two temples, more likely three, were built on a rocky outcrop of higher ground the Felsbarre west of the sacred area. Their presence in this phase is postulated on the basis of the presence of three altars and of architectural fragments in the Ionic order belonging to a temple entablature.
Telephus: Paus. The cult of Telephus would be located in the heroa of the Attalids kings, see Deubner This setting was dramatically enlarged a few years later, when a new wing was added to the enkoimeterion. By the mid-3rd century BC, the enkoimeterion occupied the whole area south of the temples, and a channel connected its north-west corner with the temple of Asclepius. Melfi, Il Santuario di Asclepio a Lebena.
The Archaeology of the Asclepieum of Pergamum 93 ing and was used in the incubation ritual, in an arrangement similar to that of the stoa, or abaton, at Epidaurus. Greek sacred laws of- ten prescribed preliminary payments of exact sums of money to Asclepius or to other healing gods in thesauroi in order to be admitted to the heal- ing rites.
Finally, at the eastern limits of the sacred area, the largest structure in the sanctuary Nordostbau was built. The building probably consisted of three adjacent rooms with a pastas or front portico. Although the superimposition of later phases prevents its complete reconstruction, the building seems to have dimensions identical to the Ionic Stoa a pastas building in its previous phase of the Asclepieum at Athens, and presents a similar arrangement of space, except for the number of rooms: three in Pergamum and four in Athens.
The Ionic Stoa of the Athenian Asclepieum is generally understood as a hestiatorion, and I would propose a similar interpretation for the Pergamenian building. Holmes ed. On the context and interpreta- tion of the Lex Sacra see infra. The Archaeology of the Asclepieum of Pergamum 95 idaurus the largest building, the so-called gymnasion, was a monumental hestiatorion. In addition to this, the Nordostbau produced a large amount of dining-ware, amongst which were many black-glazed drinking cups and a fragment of a plate bearing the incised name of Asclepius — undoubtedly the earliest mention of the god on the site.
Asclepius and Hygieia are the only deities for which we have direct and contemporary evidence for worship. The following features can, in fact, be considered Epidaurian: the possible early presence of Apollo; the physical connection between the god, his water, and the healing process; the impor- tance given to the preliminary rituals, and the coincidence of the deities involved in these.
He was unable to storm the citadel, but ravaged the sanctuaries around it. The hoard constitutes 29 AvP XI. Head of Hygieia from a cult statue: De Luca Figure 2: Pergamum, the Asclepieum in the 2nd century BC From the beginning of the 2nd century BC, the sanctuary was rebuilt on a much larger scale.
The temple of Asclepius was, in fact, rebuilt on its earlier foundations as a prostyle, tetrastyle Ionic building of modest dimensions ca. Inside the temple, a short cella accommodated the sacred well from the previous phase and the base for the cult statue. The chronology and appearance of this statue remain controversial.
The head is likely preserved by a colossal copy from Syra- cuse, characterized by a baroque and complex treatment of hair and beard, and closely resembling the obverse of late Hellenistic Pergamenian bronze coins. It must also not have been a coincidence that the sculptor commissioned with the cult statue of the newly restored temple was an Athenian.
He was, therefore, able to combine the hieratic pose of Asclepius type Giustini — the Athenian cult statue — with the new sensibility of contemporary Hellenistic sculpture. These measurements have been considered too large for the dimensions of the cella of the Ionic tem- ple on the Felsbarre according to De Luca, 5.
Eumenes II is also believed to be responsible for the foundation of the new joint festival of the Heracleia and Asclepieia Sotereia at least in 36 Andreae , 75—76; P. Kranz, Pergameus Deus. Stewart, review of Andreae a, Gnomon 65 [—] Lo Monaco eds. It included a panegyris, games and a procession. The naturally uneven terrain traditionally occupied by the sanctuary was, in fact, made level through impressive earthworks and the creation of terraces supported by buttresses and cellar basements — sim- ilar to those that were being built in most parts of the citadel at the time of Eumenes II.
The space was then enclosed by monumental porticoes in the Doric order on the east and south sides, while a temenos wall and the newly built incubation hall bordered the west and north sides. This space was clearly created for accommodating large, collective celebrations, such as those connected to the newly founded Heracleia and Sotereia. Opposite the entrance, and west of the sanctuary, probably outside of the temenos wall, another enormous building of collective use was built: a Doric stoa of 45 columns, with at least 20 rooms at the back.
The painted decoration of the rooms seems to suggest a function linked to the reception and accommodation of a large number of worshippers. The performance of collective celebrations might explain why the area in front of the temple, previously occupied by a large altar and by the mosaic niche containing the thesauros, was completely de-cluttered, and 41 SEG On the connection with the royal household, see D.
The Archaeology of the Asclepieum of Pergamum 99 transformed into a larger open space. In close relation to this operation, the incubation building was moved south. Its enlargement and extension to the west allowed the incorporation of yet another source of water, the Felsbrunnen previously located outside the west border of the sanctuary.
This bears testimony to the increased importance of healing rituals, beside the collective celebrations. Here pilgrims could carry out preliminary rites and wait to be admitted to the holiest part of the sanctuary. This was lo- cated higher up in the central terrace of the sanctuary and consisted of a large open space dominated by the monumental temple and altar for As- clepius.
Although the sanctuary of Cos has often been called a competitor of the Pergamene Asclepieum, there is evidence for strong links between the two during the Hellenistic period. Honours bestowed on the kings of Pergamum at Cos in the form of processions pompai in honour of the de- ceased Attalus I and Eumenes II, and the overall architectural style of the upper terrace of the sanctuary have even suggested late Attalid patron- age.
Towards a Roman Sanctuary The layout of the sanctuary remained substantially unchanged until the beginning of the Roman period. A few restorations took place under the Attalid kings on the east and south porticoes of the Festplatz, possibly fol- lowing catastrophic events. A period of stag- nation and decline of the cult in the 1st century BC is generally agreed upon, because of the lack of archaeological evidence and the negative histori- cal events associated with the sanctuary, such as the killing of the Roman refugees in 88 BC and the murder of C.
Servilius Isauricus. After Pergamum had honoured At- talus III with a statue in the temple of Asclepius in the s BC,51 and after the festival was re-instated because of the rescue of Pergamum by the inter- vention of Heracles,52 the Heracleia and Sotereia are not heard of any more, and were probably abolished after 88 BC. In the course of the 1st century AD, small new structures of uncertain function were built in the centre and along the north side of the Festplatz; the foundations of a new large temple with altar were laid in its southwest corner, and a wall was erected through its middle in order to enclose the incubation hall.
The use of these new structures within the traditional cult is not clear, especially because most of them had a very short life, and a few years later, even before being com- pleted, were covered over by the mid-Imperial-period project. Why was a new temple started and never completed? Were the original temples in ruins or was yet another deity added to the Pergamene pantheon?
Why was the incubation hall enclosed by a wall? Was it considered appropriate to separate physically the space devoted to the healing ritual from the rest of the sanctuary? The Archaeology of the Asclepieum of Pergamum terracotta statuettes representing mostly women and children and small bronzes suggest that, at least from the Flavian period, the Asclepieum was popular again.
The south side had to be supported by high vaulted substructures that formed the core of a cryptoporticus, while the whole north side of the complex was dug into the rock in order to create level ground. On the east side, completely new buildings were added: a porticoed propylon, a large round temple, and — in a slightly later phase — a library and a ro- tunda. Behind the north portico a theatre for up to 3, spectators was added. There is a general consensus that Roman architects worked on the complex, as Roman designs and techniques were used for most of the new constructions in the sanctuary.
Sempronius , 77 L. Elpidius Domitius. III; Mart. More recently, Strocka proposed that the reconstruction started under Domitian and was only com- pleted by the mid-Antonine period. This was accessed via a stretch of covered street with cross-vaulting and columns via tecta , thought to have been constructed in the early Roman period.
Coming from a covered, relatively narrow passage, into a broad colonnaded street, m long and adorned with monuments and dedications, the approach to the sanctuary must have looked impressive. It bears a well-cut inscription at the bottom that gives the name of the dedicant, and a much rougher one at the top with the name of Telephus in the dative.
Although both the tomb and the relief cannot be taken as testimony for an ancestral hero cult, the votive inscription — in the da- tive form — undoubtedly implies the existence of a cult of Telephus at the time of the re-use of the relief. The history of Pergamum and its mythical founder would have been part of a learning experience prior to accessing the Asclepieum.
The tomb would 61 For this interpretation, see A. Elsner eds. On the inscription and the relief, see also Dignas , On the north side of the road, there was a large fountain where many fragments of sculptures and reliefs were found in a secondary use. It is generally believed that they were taken from a dif- ferent part of the sanctuary and re-employed in the fountain for repairs during the Late Antique period.
Interestingly, they are almost exclusively Hellenistic, and in a few instances late Classical, votive reliefs representing the Nymphs, Apollo and other deities. Both Demosthenes and Antisthenes also appeared in dreams and visions to Aelius Aristides, just as Asclepius did.
More specif- 66 Paus. On the connection between Telephus, the Asclepieum and the history of Pergamum as a whole, see Dignas , — S2—3 ; young Satyr cat. S15 ; Nymphs cat. S ; Zeus, Athena, Demeter and Asclepius cat. S1 ; Athena cat. S8 ; Artemis cat. S9 ; Cybele cat. S12 ; Hecate cat. S14 ; portraits 99— S22 ; Socrates cat. S23 ; Antis- thenes cat. S24 ; Zenophon cat. The colonnaded street entered the sanctuary through a new monumen- tal propylon dedicated by Claudius Charax.
The Lex Sacra ultimately seems to convey an attempt at displaying an earlier phase of the ritual, therefore inviting the viewers to appreciate and revere the antiquity of the cult, possibly in its Epidaurian connections. This seems to be part of the same religious policy outlined above, based on a constant dialogue with the past and aimed at making the present the arrival point of a glorious history. The area was entirely planned in relation to the old Hellenistic buildings.
These were en- hanced and given greater visual impact by the vastness and emptiness of the open space around them, rather than being crowded by new construc- tions. The viewer entering the sanctuary through the monumental propylon would, in fact, leave behind the new buildings and direct his gaze straight in front of him, where the older, traditional buildings stood, slightly ele- vated on the Felsbarre. In contrast to the early imperial, probably Flavian, attempt to restore the sanctuary at Pergamum and its workings,80 the 2nd -century AD project, by singling out the temples on the Felsbarre, the incubation hall and the foun- tains, seems to have targeted a precise phase in the history of the sanc- tuary, almost as if to create an open-air museum.
This project was aimed at reviving the cult- place after a period of neglect and at updating the main ritual focuses of the sanctuary, temple and incubation hall. The Archaeology of the Asclepieum of Pergamum Only the original ritual core — the temple, its sacred waters, and incuba- tory practice — was enhanced and brought to focus by its strategic place- ment in the centre of the courtyard.
The senator was also credited with the restoration of the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas, which had been abandoned for at least years. The new buildings interest- ingly ignored the previous phases and aimed at reconstructing the sacred landscape following the indications of a 3rd -century BC inscription, which explained the mythical birth of Asclepius in the sacred precinct of his fa- ther, Apollo Maleatas.
Lepenioti eds. Studies on political, economic and socio-cultural history Athens [—] — Their visual pres- ence was, in itself, a testimony of the old and glorious religious tradition at Pergamum and guaranteed the constant association of the god and his cult place in front of the historical disruptions.
It legitimated the contem- porary cult and preserved its continuity from foundation to present. This was particularly relevant at sites such as Pergamum, where periods of dis- continuity had occurred, and was completely in line with the requirements of contemporary culture. Badebrunnen: AvP XI. The Archaeology of the Asclepieum of Pergamum It would have appeared to visitors as a house for multiple gods and an embodiment of the architectural styles and religious trends of the capital city.
Strocka — has more recently questioned this inter- pretation in favour of a place for imperial cult. On the libraries in sanctuaries of Asclepius and the possibility that mainly medical texts were kept in them, see L. Naso ed. Similarly, in the Asclepieum at Messene, an original ekklesi- asterion was turned into an odeion in the late 2nd or early 3rd century AD. Musical and poetic performances in the cult of Asclepius were believed to have a therapeutic function, but also aimed at the reconstruction of the earliest histories of the sanctuaries and their cult.
The new buildings of the sanctuary ultimately contributed to preserv- ing the local past, while providing a sophisticated intellectual background to contemporary reconstruction projects. This intellectual pursuit appears even clearer when considering that the dedicants of most of the new build- ings were members either of the intellectual elite or of families of long Pergamenian history: Claudius Charax, who paid for the propylon, was 98 Aristid.
De sanitate tuenda 1. The Archaeology of the Asclepieum of Pergamum an antiquarian and historian; L. Some Conclusions The new construction project in the Asclepieum of Pergamum mostly con- sisted of buildings for large gatherings, such as the propylon and the the- atre, as well as the temple of Zeus Asclepius. The porticus triplex was not equipped with benches or back rooms.
In addition to this, open spaces were left empty and the most ba- sic indicators of sacred or processional routes, such as dedications, exedrai and altars, cannot be found. The many healing and honorary inscriptions of the Roman period came to light in secondary usages, or their prove- nance was not recorded. Since it is known from Aelius Aristides that large crowds of worship- pers participated in the rituals and received care at the sanctuary during the Roman Imperial period, it is worth investigating where they might have been accommodated during healing and other rituals.
In order to answer this question, I would begin with the only aspect of the ritual that is preserved in the archaeology of the Roman Imperial phase: the healing waters. The building has a low stone bench running along the walls and is covered by cross vaulting on re-used Hellenistic capitals and columns. If the cryptoporticus under the south stoa is the most likely venue for in- cubation, a similar ritual function should be postulated for the other large new building most easily accessed from under the ground, the lower ro- tunda.
This interesting and complex building, long interpreted as a space for healing and cures, has been recently explained by Strocka, after a thor- ough investigation of the architectural remains, as a banqueting house Aristid. The Archaeology of the Asclepieum of Pergamum or monumental hestiatorion. Many other possible interpretations are, of course, possible, but they all involve sepa- rate and privileged access for individuals or groups from the most sacred focus of the cult to the lower rotunda.
The use of water and incubation, as well as the practice of communal dining were all fundamental aspects of the ritual for Asclepius. This would have contributed to the isolation and pre-eminence of the older Hel- lenistic buildings at the centre of the courtyard. Except for the fountain in front of the temple, that, like in all sanctuaries of Asclepius, provided the most fundamental medium of contact between the god and his wor- shippers, the Hellenistic buildings would have remained untouched by the workings of the ritual.
They were frozen in a museum-like display of what contemporaries believed to be a faithful reconstruction of the original As- clepieum, as founded by Archias from Epidaurus. A God and Two Humans on Matters of Medicine: Asclepius, Galen and Aelius Aristides1 Christian Brockmann The renowned physician Galen of Pergamum considered himself the true successor and most competent interpreter of Hippocrates, the famous member of the Asclepiadae of Cos, a family which traced back their ori- gin to Asclepius and which handed down and augmented their inherited healing-tradition from generation to generation.
In his later years, Aristides turned his healing dreams during incubation and his personal relations to the god of heal- ing into an exceptional and almost excentric literary work, the Sacred Tales. But let us start with Galen. The complete Greek text of his late treatise On My Own Opinions has only been available to us since Up until then, only parts of the Greek text were known, and the complete work existed only in a version twice removed, i.
I would like to thank Daniel Deckers for his help with the translation. Heidelberg vol. Nutton, Galen. On My Own Opinions. CMG V 3,2 Berlin Asclepius, once performed a healing on him. As a further example, he uses the Dioscuri that are said to appear as saviors from mortal peril at sea. Galen uses the whole of this brief chapter to develop his basic assumptions on the divine. While he claims no knowledge on whether the demiurge, i.
Galen did not merely provide his readers with a summary of his most important propositions, he even created an autobiographical and biblio- graphical overview on his books and the order in which they are best to be studied. In On My Own Books, he names the illness of which he claims to have been healed at the hands of Asclepius. The only way for Galen to convince the emperor otherwise is to cite the authority of Asclepius, his paternal deity as he calls him.
This precept from Asclepius, which we may assume to have been received in a dream, saves Galen once more. He adds a comment on his close and proven relation to the god of healing: he con- siders himself a follower or admirer of Asclepius, i. Kudlien , In his treatise On Good and Bad Humours, Galen mentions an ulcer or abscess he believes he sustained at age 27 from a chronic illness during summer. He claims it was located at the place where the liver and the diaphragm are joined.
His report begins by commending his father, whose character he depicts as exemplary, besides praising his knowledge of mathematics, architecture and astronomy. Boudon-Millot , 82, — Boudon-Millot , — This causes an acute illness he cures by means of phlebotomy, i. He is reprimanded by his fa- ther, who reminds him of the nutritional precepts he taught him and asks him to refrain from immoderation.
The measures he takes seem minor and irrelevant due to his brief and summary description. Furthermore, he takes care to exercise and to eat in a way that does not provoke any kind of indigestion. He claims these tenets helped keep him and numerous of his friends in good health for many long years. Having discussed the application of the method and nu- merous practical aspects of its use, almost as if in an appendix chapters 22—23 , he proceeds to the more dangerous arteriotomy, which he cau- tions should be used only in exceptional cases and limited to select ar- eas of the body.
In this context, it is no coincidence that Galen sees the need to explain to the reader how he discovered the method of bloodlet- 12 De bonis malisque sucis 1. Having received the idea in two descriptive dreams,15 he used this method to rid himself of the perma- nent pain originating between liver and diaphragm we discussed before.
He describes how another disciple of the Pergamene god received instructions on opening an interdigital artery and successfully overcame long-standing chronic pain by this means. On the role of dreams in medicine cf. Oberhelman ; id. Cox Miller, Dreams in Late Antiquity. Studies in the Imagination of a Culture Princeton —; B. Hiestand ed. Though the precepts from these dreams lead him be- yond usual medical practice, they do not actually cause him to step outside his medical framework, i.
In his conversation with the emperor Marcus Aurelius, Galen, not without diplomatic astuteness, can refer to the instructions of a higher power, a claim the emperor imme- diately accepts. He only ever mentions it in choice contexts, for instance when citing the divine inspiration and origin of a cure whose chances he could not properly justify as a doctor. In such cases, the higher instance must provide the rational el- ement of a course of treatment. Oneirokritika 4. Oberhelman ; Luchner , Essentially, he would prefer the same commitment from his own patients.
His dignity must be evident in his gaze, in his voice and in his posture if he is to convince his patient to heed his prescriptions. Galen reports that many patients of Asclepius in Pergamum were willing to abstain from any drink for 15 days at the order of the god.
Kudlien , — VI comm. Kudlien , —; H. For this he needs success, for instance by providing a clear and accurate prognosis. He expresses this in one of his many arguments against his favorite opponent Thessalos, who was one of the main exponents of the Methodist school of medicine that was widely acclaimed some decades before Galen, during the reign of Nero. But since that is impossible, I decided to practise coming the closest possible to this, and I encourage others to do the same.
In both cases, Galen describes his success as a physician. Closer analysis reveals that his presentation uses topoi that are a conventional element in describ- ing miracles of healing. In his On Prognosis, without any trace of modesty, Galen describes his rapid ascent in Rome that soon found him favour with the upper classes and made him supplant several of his previously esteemed colleagues. Tecusan , In one of the dreams he de- scribes in the Sacred Tales, he fancies a situation similar to the one Galen experienced, when confronting the emperor Marcus Aurelius with his in- tention not to accompany him on his military campaign and hinting at the god Asclepius as the origin and authority behind his decision.
Standing before Antoninus Pius Aristides declines to greet him with a kiss. In contrast to Galen, he exploits his closeness to the deity to foster his literary productivity and puts it in the centre of his self-presentation. Aelius Aristides, Hieroi Logoi 2 Oratio 48 7 and 21 Neuhausen eds. Luchner , ; Steger , — He stayed in the water for a long time and felt comfortable as if in a warm swimming bath.
Villard eds. De sanitate tuenda 6. On the change of skin color due to a massage after bathing cf. De sanitate tuenda 3. Then as in a pool of very gentle and tempered water, I passed my time swimming all about and splashing myself all over. When I came out, all my skin had a rosy hue and there was a lightness throughout my body. Yet, a change in the skin remained,39 and the physicians saw a new opportunity for surgi- cal intervention, arguing that the instructions of the god had already been carried out.
He had dislocated his collar- bone during sports, and, so he claims, managed to restore the bone to its original position with a painful and hardly bearable pressure bandage. Horstmans- hoff , —; Holmes , —; Israelowich , — From here on, the doctors stopped their criticism, expressed extraordinary admiration for the providence of the god in each particular, and said that it was some other greater disease, which he secretly cured. And they thought that I should grant this, for what concerned the god had been wholly accomplished.
He did not even allow them this. But there was a remarkably great lesion and all my skin seemed to change. And he commanded me to smear on an egg and so cured me. De artic. At the same time, he recognises limits even to the power of As- clepius. He depicts himself as a man with a frail body bearing the marks of multiple diseases, yet Asclepius straightens and re- designs him.
He is even re-instructed in rhetoric, his main profession, by the deity. His illness is thus seen almost as a stimulus for his success as an orator, or more accurately as a divine intervention that leads to close contact with the deity and thus enables progress. For I believe that he dreamed that the god, together with Telesphorus, said to him, in regard to me, that it was necessary to remove my bones and put in tendons, for the existing ones had failed.
Then he was in great fear and anguish, when he heard these things about me, but the god said, in consolation and instruction, that it was not necessary to knock the bones out directly and cut out the existing tendons, but that there needed to be, as it were, a certain change of those existing. Holmes , He wants to succeed in both these areas that enrich his life. There is undoubtedly more to be found.
Further cf. Oratio Luchner , ; Holmes , 93—94, ; Petsalis-Diomidis , Luchner , They comprise magical approaches and cults of healing, as well as what we would now recognize as medical practice. Nutton, Ancient Medicine London ; K. Leven ed. Overwien eds. This article is based mainly on my monograph, above all p. Medizin und Kult Stuttgart Harvard Semitic Monographs 54 Atlanta 65—70; F.
Versnel ed. Weinreich, Antike Heilungswunder. Examples of Christian healing miracles include: healing the blind Mark 8. Besides such miracles, numerous dream instructions survive. The methods that were used in such contexts are less spectacular than one might think. He adhered to the regimen that he had received during a dream, as did his teacher Fronto and his friend Aelius Aristides. His dream instructions attest to a thera- peutic medical procedure that was close to contemporary treatments but, in addition to that, incorporated additional components of its own such as sports and rest that are also typical of modern health spas.
Gifts of gratitude on the part of patients are informative concerning the cult of Asclepius. In the perspective of a patient history,15 questions about implementation, dissemination, and acceptance of medical ideas may be asked. Aristides, Patient of Asclepius in Pergamum set, are consequently of primary interest.
Rather than attempting a retrospective diagnosis or interpretation, the illness needs to be construed appropriately from the point of view of medical history. But especially with regard to antiquity, it is a challenge to maintain the required focus on the patient. They tend to be short, as a result of which only a limited amount of conclusions may be drawn from them.
A micro-historical case study might consequently make a suitable methodological approach, and this brings me to Aristides. If, how- ever, the historian of medicine examines the prose hymns Aristides, Ora- tiones 38, 39, 42, 53 above all , the result is sobering. What they provide instead is rich evidence of the religious activities surrounding Asclepius. The dissemination of the cult of Asclepius is discussed as well Interestingly, the hymn starts with a quotation from the Iliad But ide- 16 E.
Then again, the focus on the well or spring emphasizes the importance of water Aristides emphasizes his strong bond with Asclepius in the be- ginning of the hymn Address to Asclepius Oratio 42 , which reminds the reader of the style of the Sacred Tales Still, this hymn is particularly revealing with regard to medical history, for instance in depicting the everyday health spa business at the Asclepieum The hymn provides a glimpse of how such in- structions might have appealed to people back then But only a few rudimentary statements concerning the medical practice of Asclepius in Abonoteichus can be derived from this text.
Aristides, Patient of Asclepius in Pergamum allows us to inquire into critical attitudes as well as to ask useful questions about forms of perception, interpretation, and imagination. From the beginning the god had instructed him to write down his dreams 2. He now resorted to these notes, which he had composed himself or — when physically unable to do so — had dictated to someone else.
However, with this discourse in praise of the god of healing, he has simultaneously left us ex- tensive materials about his inner life and experiences that contain — as he puts it himself 1. For instance, speaking about the baths that the god had prescribed 2. He anointed him- self in the courtyard within the enclosing walls and took a bath in the holy well.
It is known that when engaging in incubation, the worshippers had to start by washing themselves so that they would be clean when enter- ing the temple precincts. Archaeological excavations in Pergamum give proof of the fact that in front of the temple precincts a holy well existed from which the houses for spring water could be seen. But the accuracy of this translation, and so also of the idea that Aristides thought that the title Hieroi Logoi had been bestowed by Asclepius himself, is open to question.
Some source criticism is therefore necessary. The emperor was surprised that Aristides did not greet him with the customary kiss of friendship. Aristides explained that he had departed from custom because he worshipped As- clepius, who had ordered him not to conduct his friendships in that way 1.
Antoninus Pius was understanding: he realized that the worship of Asclepius took precedence over all other codes and rules. A number of arguments may be found to support this conclusion. Aristides asks Asclepius for advice 2. Aristides, Patient of Asclepius in Pergamum of the dream healing. Aristides himself is a case in point, for as a wor- shipper and patient he came to focus his entire thinking on Asclepius after doctors in Rome and Smyrna had turned out to be unable to help him.
And he or- dered me to walk on bare feet. Accounts of his miraculous rescue from dangers 2. Aristides mentions 3. Asclepius recommended that ointment to Aristides, who was to receive it from a woman. At the sanctuary he received it at the feet of Hygieia, where Tyche had placed it.
He anointed himself and soon there- after the cramps eased 3. Incidentally we thus learn more about various therapies that Asclepius recommended. Besides pharmaceutical means, the surgical approach also appeared to be a part of Asclepius medicine. De simpl. De elem. The ex- aggeration is apparent considering that a male adult on average has about 4. Some- thing similarly wonderous happened when he tried to take a bath at Perga- mum and Asclepius miraculously provided enough water for three baths 2.
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